La enfermedad de Ménétrier es una entidad poco frecuente en el niño, caracterizada por una gastroenteropatía pierde proteínas con engrosamiento de la. Palabras clave: Enfermedad de Menetrier. Sarcoma de Kaposi. VIH. Key words: Ménétrier's disease. Kaposi's sarcoma. HIV. Request PDF on ResearchGate | Enfermedad de Ménétrier y cáncer gástrico | Ménétrier's disease is an infrequent hypertrophic disease of the stomach.
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Request PDF on ResearchGate | Enfermedad de Ménétrier asociada a infección por citomegalovirus | Menetrier's disease is a rare entity in children. Ménétrier's disease (MD) is included in the group of hypertrophic .. Enfermedad de Ménétrier infantil e infección aguda por citomegalovirus. Ménétrier's disease was first described in adult patients in. by the French . Enfermedad de Ménétrier asociada a infección por cito- megalovirus.
Revista de la Facultad de Medicina
Being already infected, they cut themselves off from other families to stop the spread and helped each other. There must have been many more acts of heroism in homes of the world in the Great Pandemic than in the Great War as husbands and wives and families strained to cope with the disease. Indeed, many families died together.
Couples even died on their marriage day. It was Stalin who said that to have 20, die is a statistic but to have one person die is a tragedy. I recalled this as I read the chapters.
But I also feel this book can extend to those who all these years later can remember the events in their own families and wish to better understand the true nature of this world-wide outbreak. Finally, as a virologist I would want to know where the virus came from — from Russia as in , from Asia as in and ? Possibly not.
Vera Brittain described in her book Testament of Youth the horror of the overcrowded camp at Etaples with , soldiers daily pouring in and out. I can think of no more likely spot for a virus to mutate and spread. I hope not. They had no chance to try out different remedies or to learn anything about the disease before it was over. It has posed great problems to historians ever since. Such a condensed event does not allow for conventional vertical historical narrative; it needs rather a lateral, descriptive talent.
She sees this as a matrilineal vision. African grandmothers, mothers and daughters discuss a particular event, perhaps a death.
They describe it and then circle around it, constantly returning to it, widening it out and bringing into it past memories and future anticipations. Her novels deal with such compressed and compacted moments, suggesting how the imagination can comprehend and express them.
The main way in which the epidemic is commemorated in African societies seems very appropriate. It is recalled in the names given to the babies born as older people were dying, a birth coming out of death. Poets and novelists were absent from the otherwise impressively interdisciplinary conference on the pandemic in Cape Town in September Delegates were lodged in the Breakwater, now a lavish conference centre, but in origin the sort of crowded prison in which the pandemic could take its greatest toll.
The organisers laid on a conference expedition to the graves of unnamed black labourers who died during the pandemic while working at an explosives factory owned by the great mining company, De Beers. Unnamed on their graves, these victims of an incomprehensible disaster are still visited by their descendants — an expression of the tenacity of African memory.
Thus Robert Edgar and Hilary Sapire have literally exhumed the story of the Cape visionary, Nontetha, whose unknown burial place Edgar discovered.
I was informed and stimulated by every presentation. Howard Phillips and David Killingray October Introduction Howard Phillips and David Killingray For much of the last two centuries professional historians have been extremely sceptical about the importance of epidemics in history. Overlooking cataclysmic natural disasters, they have focused, rather, on political, economic and intellectual processes to explain change over time. For instance, writing in , E.
Epidemic disease, when it did become decisive in peace or in war, ran counter to the effort to make the past intelligible.
Historians consequently played such episodes down. Perhaps, too, the emergence of AIDS has provided an immediate example of the power of a pandemic to alarm and transform societies. In recent decades, all of these, along with numerous more local epidemics, have attracted the attention of historians, and our understanding of them — and of epidemics in general — has increased many times over as a result.
This thematic arrangement underscores the need to conceptualise the pandemic globally and comparatively too, and not just nationally and locally, if it and its impact are to be adequately understood.
By implication the globe-encompassing, multilingual bibliography which concludes the book makes the same point. Teabreaks quite commonly were marked by invigorating exchanges on the same research topic between, for instance, virologists and historians or geographers and pathologists. It was an unusual academic spectacle, all against the backdrop of blue-etched Table Mountain.
What discussion at the Cape Town conference made clear, however, was that these features were less problems to be overcome than rare opportunities to be exploited to the full so as to grasp the complex totality of the —19 pandemic better; and also that the conference, largely through coincidence, was being held at just the right moment to highlight this fact. It is hoped that this book will show that full advantage was taken of this unusual opportunity. What happened in —19?
Only isolated places, for example the Atlantic island of St. Helena not visited by shipping during the pandemic, escaped its virulent breath. Attempts to identify a regular pattern in such outbreaks have not been successful.
Flu has a short incubation period and, as a respiratory transmitted infection, is quickly spread from one person to another, especially in places where people are closely crowded together. No one season more than another seems to be the time for the spread of the infection.
Temperature and climate appear to have little effect on the ability of the virus to spread although low temperatures and high relative humidity, or a combination of the two conditions, seem to help spread the infection. For most sufferers the attack lasted for 2—4 days. However, death could be sudden and there were repeated reports of people suddenly collapsing and dying, or being taken ill and succumbing to the infection within a few hours.
The mortality rate was fairly low and the outbreak did not occasion excessive concern. The second and highly lethal wave occurred in late August and re-appeared as a third and less virulent wave in The virus spread rapidly along the conduits of war and 6 Howard Phillips and David Killingray commerce to engulf the entire world in a matter of a few weeks.
A modern system of global communications, of steamships and railways, along with the constant and large-scale movement of men and materials for the war, provided the conditions for the easy and speedy spread of the virus. Military encampments and the close concentration and movement of men provided ideal conditions for the transmission of a respiratory infection. The medical profession, which had made great strides in epidemiological knowledge and surgery over the previous two decades, found itself unprepared and ill-equipped to deal with the disease and had no effective way of combating or curing it.
At the time of the outbreak many rumours and theories about the origin and spread of the infection abounded. Inevitably the disease was associated with the war: that it resulted from conditions on the war fronts, or that it was being used as a weapon by the enemy, ideas that became part of the propaganda of the belligerents.
The English and French have left millions of men and horses to rot unburied where they fell. In France and Flanders the poisonous matter from millions of unburied bodies is constantly rising up into the air, which is blown all over the world by the winds. Within 2 weeks the virus had been spread to local dock workers who in turn carried the infection into the town and on to other ships which then carried the virus to other African ports and elsewhere. From Freetown the virus was spread inland to the surrounding villages.
All armies, especially those confronting each other on the Western Front, were also hard hit by the disease. This xenophobic response has been common in Europe, that impulse to blame others or the silent places of the Asian heartlands for the source of disease.
Some , Americans died in the pandemic and about 50, Canadians. By mid September the virus had been carried by 8 Howard Phillips and David Killingray ships into the islands of the Caribbean and along land and sea routes to the central American isthmus. Little has been written on the course of the pandemic in the Latin American countries. American troops crossing the Atlantic helped to spread the disease into Europe. Various methods were used in the industrial states to try and prevent the further spread of the pandemic.
Ports were quarantined; public transport, passengers and luggage were fumigated; public buildings — schools and cinemas, but rarely churches or bars — were closed; local legislation instructed people to wear masks and to avoid congregating; advertisements urged the prophylactic values of tobacco and alcohol; many people resorted to prayer and patent medicines.
But all measures were seemingly without avail. Probably the best advice for sufferers, if it could be followed, was the use of aspirin to lower the body temperature, bed rest and effective nursing care.
The vast majority of those infected around the world, in a global population which was predominantly peasant and poor, lacked such knowledge and certainly access to easy means of relief.
This was the case whether a country was at war or at peace. This age—gender death pattern still remains something of a mystery. The cause may have been genetic or physiological. Another reason may be due to the tendency of many men, out of necessity or mas- Introduction 9 culine impulse, to continue working rather than resting when they were sick. The poor, and those living in over-crowded and insanitary conditions, were also more likely to catch and to die from the virus, although patterns of mortality varied from one place to another around the world.
Certainly the poor were rendered more vulnerable due to low levels of nutrition and poor physical health. The dying and the dead placed heavy burdens on families and social institutions. From Freetown the disease moved down the West African coast and from ports into the interior. Two weeks later the S. Am J Epidemiol.
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Potenziani-Bigelli JC. Garcia HA, Carbonell J. Santiago de Cali: Editorial Universidad del Valle; Ortiz Sanchez JM. Adv Exp Med Biol. New serum biomarkers for prostate cancer diagnosis.Thus Robert Edgar and Hilary Sapire have literally exhumed the story of the Cape visionary, Nontetha, whose unknown burial place Edgar discovered.
The histopathologic study of the gastric enfermedad de menetrier showed severe foveolar enfrrmedad proliferation resulting in deep invaginations and replacement dr the original oxyntic mucosa. American cancer society guideline for the early detection of prostate cancer: update Eur Urol. One block out of 15 taken from the gastric antrum showed intramucosal carcinoma, spreading superficially.
Follow-up gastroscopy and biopsy of the gastric remnant has shown no evidence of recurrent carcinoma.
There was no evidence of neoplastic change. J Korean Med Sci.
Flu is passed on like this!